Education is an important part of shaping anyone’s view of the world during their aging. Different education can get people to think differently on the same matter. The Russians took advantage of this, and with the aid of drastic changes in their education and programs, a new generation of Putin’s supporters might end thirty years of openness to the west.
Since the fall of the Soviet Union, Russia’s government has been trying to spread state ideology to schoolchildren. Now, with the war in Ukraine, Putin made it clear that it had to be done.
Now many classes in Russia were replaced with subjects like “the geopolitical situation” and “traditional values.” There are also weekly classes featuring war movies and virtual tours through Crimea, and a regular flag-raising ceremony. Russian history classes were required to involve new topics, such as ones that describe the “great rebirth” of Russia under Vladimir Putin’s power.
In addition to that, other propaganda has been laced into daily activities. According to the New York Times, a legislation signed by President Putin is encouraging children to join a new patriotic youth movement, watched over by the President himself.
Experts on this topic questioned whether the propaganda would come to imminent and successful results. The effect of it, though, has already changed the viewpoint of younger people and schoolchildren.
The New York Times interviewed a ninth-grader, Irina Ten. She said that a computer class in Moscow has changed into the viewing of a television report on Ukrainians surrendering to Russian forces, and a lecture explaining that only information from official Russian sources is reliable. She has seen changes in some of her friends, Ten said. They were scared and confused about the war before, but now are just repeating what the television said. When Irina asked them about the Russian war crimes in Bucha, they said “it’s just propaganda.”
Ten’s parents didn’t want to raise their child in a militarized environment. They moved to Poland this spring.
Younger children are no less affected, an interview with a schoolteacher, Irina Milyutina, revealed. Fifth and sixth graders in the school Irina Milyutina works in started pretending to be Russian soldiers, and those they don’t like are referred to as “Ukrainians.” Earlier on, when the war first started, there were arguments among students on whether invading Ukraine was a good decision, and sometimes those arguments even turned physical. Now, though, the voices who disliked the invasion have disappeared, and “Z’s” and “V’s” started being scrawled everywhere by these children, a symbol of supporting Russia.
Some teachers did not like the new curriculum, although they seemingly have no choice but to follow the curriculum as government employees. There was some resistance, though. The Teacher’s Association provided legal guidance to the teachers who refused to teach the spring’s new curriculum—-as political agitations in school technically went against the law. And some principals outright canceled the class, knowing they were disliked. “If you can’t protest against it,” said Sergei Chernyshov, who runs a private high school that resisted government propaganda, “at least don’t help it.”
Russia’s remnants of free journalism were soon criminalized too, as did anyone who had objectives against the war. Bloggers and academics were cracked down on, and even a hockey player was detained. The grip and twist on school curriculums, it’s to be said, might tighten again this September. During September, every Monday will have an extra hour of class for virtual guests who are pro-war to speak.
People say this drastic change ends thirty years of openness to the west. Children’s mindsets are still in development, and changing education is eventually going to result in a generation of Putin supporters, if not intercepted.
Since the fall of the Soviet Union, Russia’s government has been trying to spread state ideology to schoolchildren. Now, with the war in Ukraine, Putin made it clear that it had to be done.
Now many classes in Russia were replaced with subjects like “the geopolitical situation” and “traditional values.” There are also weekly classes featuring war movies and virtual tours through Crimea, and a regular flag-raising ceremony. Russian history classes were required to involve new topics, such as ones that describe the “great rebirth” of Russia under Vladimir Putin’s power.
In addition to that, other propaganda has been laced into daily activities. According to the New York Times, a legislation signed by President Putin is encouraging children to join a new patriotic youth movement, watched over by the President himself.
Experts on this topic questioned whether the propaganda would come to imminent and successful results. The effect of it, though, has already changed the viewpoint of younger people and schoolchildren.
The New York Times interviewed a ninth-grader, Irina Ten. She said that a computer class in Moscow has changed into the viewing of a television report on Ukrainians surrendering to Russian forces, and a lecture explaining that only information from official Russian sources is reliable. She has seen changes in some of her friends, Ten said. They were scared and confused about the war before, but now are just repeating what the television said. When Irina asked them about the Russian war crimes in Bucha, they said “it’s just propaganda.”
Ten’s parents didn’t want to raise their child in a militarized environment. They moved to Poland this spring.
Younger children are no less affected, an interview with a schoolteacher, Irina Milyutina, revealed. Fifth and sixth graders in the school Irina Milyutina works in started pretending to be Russian soldiers, and those they don’t like are referred to as “Ukrainians.” Earlier on, when the war first started, there were arguments among students on whether invading Ukraine was a good decision, and sometimes those arguments even turned physical. Now, though, the voices who disliked the invasion have disappeared, and “Z’s” and “V’s” started being scrawled everywhere by these children, a symbol of supporting Russia.
Some teachers did not like the new curriculum, although they seemingly have no choice but to follow the curriculum as government employees. There was some resistance, though. The Teacher’s Association provided legal guidance to the teachers who refused to teach the spring’s new curriculum—-as political agitations in school technically went against the law. And some principals outright canceled the class, knowing they were disliked. “If you can’t protest against it,” said Sergei Chernyshov, who runs a private high school that resisted government propaganda, “at least don’t help it.”
Russia’s remnants of free journalism were soon criminalized too, as did anyone who had objectives against the war. Bloggers and academics were cracked down on, and even a hockey player was detained. The grip and twist on school curriculums, it’s to be said, might tighten again this September. During September, every Monday will have an extra hour of class for virtual guests who are pro-war to speak.
People say this drastic change ends thirty years of openness to the west. Children’s mindsets are still in development, and changing education is eventually going to result in a generation of Putin supporters, if not intercepted.
